Syrian President Bashar al-Assad: Facing down rebellion :Burning Country: Syrians in Revolution and War Paperback – February 15, 2016 by Robin Yassin-Kassab (Author), Leila Al-Shami (Author)(Pluto Press);Syrian Dust: Reporting from the Heart of the War Paperback – April 19, 2016 by Francesca Borri (Author), Anne Milano Appel (Translator) (Seven Stories Press); The Home That Was Our Country: A Memoir of Syria Hardcover – February 28, 2017 by Alia Malek (Nation Press);The Battle for Syria: International Rivalry in the New Middle East Hardcover – October 25, 2016 by Christopher Phillips (Yale University Press)

Image copyrightAFPImage captionBashar al-Assad says he is fighting foreign-backed terrorists in Syria

Syria's war
Syria chemical 'attack': What we know
Syria 'chemical attack': What can forensics tell us?
Syria 'chemical attack': What now?
Why is there a war in Syria?

President Bashar al-Assad of Syria has confounded many observers by holding on to power for more than four years in the face of a rebellion by a large part of the population.

Unlike his former counterparts in Tunisia and Egypt, when protests against his government began in March 2011 he gave orders to crush the dissent, rather than tolerate it, and he refused to meet protesters' demands.

The brutal crackdown by the security forces did not, however, stop the protests and eventually triggered an armed conflict that the UN says has so far left more than 250,000 people dead.

More than 11 million others have been forced from their homes as forces loyal to Mr Assad and those opposed to his rule battle each other - as well as jihadist militants from Islamic State (IS).

Regional and world powers have also been drawn into the conflict. Iran and Russia are propping up the Alawite-led government militarily and financially, while the Sunni-dominated opposition has attracted varying degrees of support from Gulf Arab states, Turkey and Western countries.

Both sides say only a political solution can end the conflict, but a number of attempts to broker ceasefires and start dialogue have failed, with the main sticking point being the fate of Mr Assad.
Second son

Born on 11 September 1965, Bashar al-Assad was not always destined for the highest office.

As the second son of President Hafez al-Assad, he was largely left to follow his own interests. He studied at the Hurriya School in Damascus and at 14 joined the Baath Youth Movement.Image copyrightAPImage captionBashar al-Assad came to power after the death of his father in 2000

He graduated from the College of Medicine of the University of Damascus in 1988, intending to pursue a career in this field.

Between 1988 and 1992 he specialised in ophthalmology at Tishrin military hospital in Damascus, before going to London to pursue further studies.

After the death of his older brother, Basil, in a high-speed car crash in 1994, Mr Assad was hastily recalled from the UK and thrust into the spotlight.

He soon entered the military academy at Homs, north of Damascus, and rose through the ranks to become an army colonel in January 1999.

In the last years of his father's life, Mr Assad emerged as an advocate of modernisation and the internet, becoming president of the Syrian Computer Society.

He was also put in charge of a domestic anti-corruption drive, which reportedly resulted in prominent figures from the old leadership being put on trial.
Flirtation with reform

Following his father's death on 10 June 2000, after more than a quarter of a century in power, Mr Assad's path to the presidency was assured by loyalists in the security forces, military, ruling Baath Party and dominant Alawite sect, who removed the last remaining obstacles, such as amending the constitution to allow a 34-year-old to become head of state.

He was then promoted to the rank of field marshal, and appointed commander of the armed forces and secretary general of the Baath Party.

A July 2000 referendum confirmed him as president with 97% of the vote.Image copyrightAPImage captionMr Assad's path to the presidency was assured by regime loyalists

In his inaugural address, Mr Assad promised wide-ranging reforms, including modernising the economy, fighting corruption and launching "our own democratic experience".

It was not long before the authorities released hundreds of political prisoners and allowed the first independent newspapers for more than three decades to begin publishing. A group of intellectuals pressing for democratic reforms were even permitted to hold public political meetings and publish statements.

The "Damascus Spring", as it became known, was short-lived.

By early 2001, the intellectuals' meetings began to be closed down or refused licences and several leading opposition figures were arrested. Limits on the freedom of the press were also soon put back in place.

For the rest of the decade, emergency rule remained in effect. The many security agencies continued to detain people without arrest warrants and held them incommunicado for lengthy periods, while Islamists and Kurdish activists were frequently sentenced to long prison terms. Any economic liberalisation benefitted the elite and its allies, rather than creating opportunities for all.

Many analysts believe that reform under Mr Assad has been inhibited by the "old guard", members of the leadership loyal to his late father.

His family is also said to have played a role in encouraging him to suppress dissent, including his brother Maher, the head of the Republican Guard, and his first cousin, Rami Makhlouf, arguably the most powerful economic figure in Syria.

In 2007, Mr Assad won another referendum with 97% of the vote, extending his term for another seven years.
Hardline diplomacy

In foreign policy, Bashar al-Assad continued his father's hardline policy towards Israel. He repeatedly said that there would be no peace unless occupied land was returned "in full", and continued to support militant groups opposed to Israel.Image copyrightAPImage captionMr Assad maintained close ties with Hezbollah and Iran

His vocal opposition to the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq, and the Syrian authorities' tacit support of Iraqi insurgent groups, also prompted anger in Washington, but it was popular in Syria and in the wider region.

Syria's already tense ties with the US soured in the wake of the February 2005 assassination of Lebanon's former Prime Minister, Rafik Hariri.

The finger of suspicion was immediately pointed at President Assad, his inner circle and the Syrian security services, which dominated Lebanon. Despite their denials of involvement, international outrage at the killing forced Syrian troops to withdraw from Lebanon that April, ending a 29-year military presence.
'External conspiracy'

When anti-government protests erupted in the southern city of Deraa in mid-March 2011, President Assad initially appeared to be unsure how to respond, but it was not long before only force was used to combat them.Image copyrightREUTERSImage captionMr Assad initially blamed a small number of troublemakers and saboteurs for the unrest

In his first speech, two weeks after the first unrest, he insisted that questions of reform and economic grievances had been overshadowed by a small number of troublemakers and saboteurs who had sought to spread among Syrians, as part of an external conspiracy to undermine the country's stability and national unity.

In April, Mr Assad dismissed the cabinet and officially lifted the hated Emergency Law, which had been in place since 1963 and under which security forces detained and tortured people with impunity.

But days later, the crackdown against protesters was stepped up. Over the next month, soldiers supported by tanks were sent into restive towns and cities to combat "armed criminal gangs". By mid-May, the death toll had reached 1,000.

Despite the security forces' concerted and ruthless efforts, and pledges by President Assad to start a "national dialogue" on reform, the uprising continued unabated in almost every part of the country. Opposition supporters began to take up arms, first to defend themselves and then to oust loyalist forces from their areas.

The president denied ordering the military to kill or be brutal in its crackdown on anti-government protesters, saying only a "crazy person" would kill his own people. But in January 2012 he promised in a public address to crush what he called "terrorism" with an "iron fist".
Chemical weapons

The next month, Mr Assad pressed ahead with holding a referendum on a new constitution which dropped an article giving the Baath Party unique status as the "leader of the state and society" in Syria. It also allowed new parties to be formed. The government claimed the charter was approved by almost 90% of voters, but the opposition denounced it as sham.Image copyrightAFPImage captionHoms, like many Syrian cities and towns, has been devastated by the fighting

Over the next few months, pressure built on Mr Assad as rebels seized control of large parts of the north and east of the country and launched offensives against Damascus and Aleppo; four top security chiefs were killed in a bombing; and the opposition National Coalition was recognised as "the legitimate representative" of the Syrian people by more than 100 countries.

"I was made in Syria. I have to live in Syria and die in Syria," Mr Assad told Russia Today in November 2012.

By the end of the year, as the death toll passed 60,000, the president was urged to accept a peace initiative proposed by UN special envoy Lakhdar Brahimi.

But Mr Assad ignored the calls and ruled out any negotiations with the rebels, whom he denounced as "enemies of God and puppets of the West".

In early 2013, the momentum in the conflict then gradually began shifting in President Assad's favour, as government forces launched major offensives to recover territory and consolidate their grip on population centres in the south and west of the country.

They received a major boost when the Lebanese Shia Islamist movement, Hezbollah, began sending members of its military wing to fight the rebels, whose appeals for heavy weaponry were rejected by Western and Gulf allies concerned by the prominence of jihadists linked to al-Qaeda.

At the start of August, Mr Assad promised troops in Damascus that they would be victorious. However, he was forced onto the defensive later that month after a suspected chemical weapons attack on the outskirts of the capital that left hundreds dead.

The US and France concluded that the attack could only have been carried out by government forces and threatened punitive military strikes. But Mr Assad insisted there was "not a single shred of evidence" supporting their claims and blamed rebel fighters.

He also warned Americans there would be retaliation for any punitive military action from Syria and its allies, saying: "Expect everything."

In the end punitive strikes were not forthcoming.

Following an agreement between the US and Russia, the latter an ally of Mr Assad, the president agreed to allow international inspectors to destroy Syria's arsenal of chemical weapons, a process that was completed in June 2014.Image copyrightREUTERSImage captionMr Assad's re-election in 2014 was dismissed by his opponents as a farce

After that, international attention largely shifted from Mr Assad to Islamic State militants who were making significant territorial gains in Syria and Iraq.

At the same time, Mr Assad's supporters enjoyed success against the disparate rebel forces.

In May 2014, the army regained control of previously rebel-held areas of the city of Homs - once a hub of the revolution.

The next month, Mr Assad ran for his third-term of office, winning 88.7% of votes cast in government-controlled areas.

Though it was the first time anyone other than a member of the Assad family had been allowed to run for office, many dismissed the election as a farce.Image copyrightAPImage captionRussia launched an air campaign against Mr Assad's opponents in September 2015

In the spring of 2015, the government suffered a string of defeats to newly-formed rebel coalitions in the south and north of the country, including the provincial capital of Idlib, as well as to Islamic State in the east.

At the start of May, the president made a rare public acknowledgement of the setbacks. But he dismissed them as the ups and downs of a long-term war in which there were hundreds of battles, some won, some lost.

But in a televised speech two months later, following further losses, Mr Assad admitted that his forces suffered a chronic manpower problem, and that the rebels were getting increased support from their Saudi, Qatari and Turkish backers. The government, he said, would have to prioritise, and give up some areas rather than risk allowing key positions to collapse.

Increasingly worried about Mr Assad's precarious position and the rise of extremist groups, Russia began an air campaign against his opponents in September 2015. Moscow said it was targeting "terrorists", primarily militants from IS, but civilians areas and Western-backed rebels were repeatedly bombed.

The next month, in his first foreign trip since the start of the war, Mr Assad held talks with President Putin in Moscow and conveyed his huge gratitude for Russia's military intervention.

The Home That Was Our Country: A Memoir of Syria Hardcover, 2017 by Alia Malek, Nation Books

'The Home That Was Our Country' recalls Syria as it once was.A Syrian attorney asks: 'What has happened to our country?'




At several points in the epic journey of her escape from Syria’s war-shaken city of Aleppo, chronicled in her eponymous memoir, author Nujeen Mustafa looks at the disruption all around her, seeing despairing graffiti, hordes of refugees, and a confused reaction from the foreign press, and asks, “What has happened to our country?”

It’s a painfully simple sentiment, one no doubt echoed by the many thousands of refugees who’ve fled from the chaos and violence that erupted in 2011 in the wake of the Arab Spring protests and soon grew into wide-scale military rebellion against the government forces of dictator Bashar al-Assad. The Syrian civil war has gotten complicated in the past six years, turning into a nightmarish quagmire of splinter groups vying for key cities and resources. And as is always the case, while the guns are firing, the innocent are suffering: Reports of massacres and other human rights abuses abound.

Civil rights lawyer and journalist Alia Malek (some of whose work has appeared in The Christian Science Monitor) captures the multifaceted nature of this cataclysm very effectively in her gripping new book, The Home That Was Our Country; her vivid picture-painting and scathing intelligence turn and turn on that same unspoken question, “What has happened to our country?”

Under the long rule of Assad’s father, Hafez al-Assad, Malek’s family had been deprived of their apartment in the grand old Tahaan building in Damascus, and “The Home That Was Our Country” is richly textured with the family histories invested in the place and its neighborhood.

It’s a world from which she herself was an expatriate for many years, having attended law school in the United States and taken a job in the Civil Rights Division of the Department of Justice in the George W. Bush administration – where she was working when the 9/11 terrorist attacks happened.

“Like other Arab Americans,” she writes, “I found myself simultaneously grieving for the innocent, wondering what backlash might befall Arab and Muslim Americans, and processing that the kind of violence I usually associated with the Middle East had just happened right here on American soil.”

Shortly after a rigged national referendum solidified the presidency of Hafez’s son Bashar, Malek returned to Damascus hoping to reclaim her family’s apartment and some sense of home. She was not the only member of her family to feel a fearful scorn at the fact that the country’s presidents were treating their office like a kingship. “Like me, some in my family ... were troubled by how power had been passed on like an inheritance, but they responded to my prodding with raised eyebrows, a roll of their eyes, or a sheepish smile,” she writes. “The walls still had ears, after all.”

The heart of “The Home That Was Our Country” is Malek’s often wrenching account of learning the ways of a country now in the grip of a dictatorship after the short-lived promise of the so-called Damascus Spring. This is a country in which the state intelligence forces, the mukhabarat, are always watchful, in which the internet goes dark late every Thursday night to keep people from organizing Friday events, and in which the Assad government works hard to create the impression of a serene and livable Damascus, a city cut off from the troubles afflicting the rest of Syria, a city in which, Malek caustically notes, the populace is being both deceived and used: “By going about our lives, we had become bit players in the regime’s efforts to maintain the fiction that everything was normal.”

Malek relates both her anger with outright supporters of Assad’s regime and the “skin-crawling embarrassment” she feels at the many Syrians who see through the regime, hate it, and yet still vocally support it in order to save their own skins. Against these everyday cowards who choose “survival over solidarity,” she places the example of the “brave, ordinary Syrians” who don’t believe in taking up arms but are willing to pit their quiet, secular faith in the rule of law against the seemingly unbeatable forces aligned against it. She bitterly and accurately points out to her readers that both the Assad regime and its jihadist enemies would want these brave, ordinary Syrians dead.

If “The Home That Was Our Country” has even the slimmest glint of hope anywhere in its more than 300 pages, that hope lies with those brave, ordinary Syrians, people like Malek and her family and friends, who once knew a better Damascus and who collectively dream of one better still. She leaves open the question of whether or not anybody who ever lived in the Tahaan building will live to see that better time, but at least she still dreams it’s possible.

Strategic Survey for Israel 2016-2017 in Strategic Survey for Israel 2016-2017, eds. Anat Kurz and Shlomo Brom, Tel Aviv: Institute for National Security Studies, 2016 Anat Kurz, Shlomo Brom The essays in Strategic Su

Strategic Survey for Israel 2016-2017

Download PDFPrint
in Strategic Survey for Israel 2016-2017, eds. Anat Kurz and Shlomo Brom, Tel Aviv: Institute for National Security Studies, 2016
Anat Kurz, Shlomo Brom
The essays in Strategic Survey for Israel 2016-2017, the latest volume in the series published annually by the Institute for National Security Studies, were written and compiled during a period of upheaval and instability in Israel’s strategic environment. In many respects, this upheaval continues the trends that have marked the Middle East and much of the international arena in previous years, especially since the so-called “Arab Spring” swept through the region. Accordingly, many of the events that occurred in the region during the period under review, especially those with a direct or indirect effect on Israel’s national security, came as no major strategic surprise, and were, rather, developments involving highly risky escalation or deadlock. At the same time, together with the risks, the overall picture includes elements with potential for new policies and initiatives that can help Israel cope with the security and political challenges facing it, and bolster its ability to enhance its regional and international status.
Click hyperlink below for the full text 

http://www.inss.org.il/uploadImages/systemFiles/full.pdf

“The Arab of the Future: A Childhood in the Middle East, 1978-1984 by Riad Sattouf.(Metropolitan Books)

The Arab of the Future: A Childhood in the Middle East, 1978-1984 by Riad Sattouf, Metropolitan Books
At this fraught moment in history, a cartoonist named Riad Sattouf has achieved best-seller status in France with a memoir in the form of a comic book with the provocative title, “The Arab of the Future: A Childhood in the Middle East, 1978-1984.” The first volume of the trilogy, translated by Sam Taylor, is now being published for the first time in the United States by Metropolitan Books. The book, which has been compared to such cartooned memoirs as “Maus” and “Persepolis,” is smart, funny and endearing, if ultimately heartbreaking. Above all, however, the book offers a remarkable opportunity to glimpse the experiences of one Arab childhood through the eyes of a gifted writer and artist.

Sattouf was born to a Syrian father and a French mother, which may account for what he describes as his “long, thick, silky, platinum-blond hair” in early childhood. With a degree in history from the Sorbonne, Sattouf’s father accepts a teaching position in Libya under Moammar Gadhafi, and then in Syria under Hafez al-Assad, which compels young Sattouf to grow up in a kind of netherworld, neither fully Arab nor fully French, and always aware that he is an outsider in both places.

For a memoir set amid the squalor and horror of our troubled times, “The Arab of the Future” is filled with ironic humor. Sattouf recalls his early childhood, when Gadhafi’s displays of grandiosity and self-importance on Libyan state television struck a chord with the attractive toddler who was accustomed to being doted on by his parents and admiring strangers: “He reminded me of me,” Sattouf recalls. “Like me, he had lots of people admiring him and smiling at him all the time.” And a theological debate between his parents ends with a punchline that will be baffling to readers of this review, but not to readers of the book, where it turns into a running joke: “I didn’t understand the word God,” he explains. “But from that day on, whenever I heard it, I would see the face of [French singer] Georges Brassens.”

Significantly, Sattouf is always aware of his mix of origins and never fully comfortable with either one. When the family arrives in Syria, his young cousins are confused by his blond locks and denounce him as “Yahudi” — Jew — and set upon him with fists. “It was the first word I learned in Syria,” he recalls. But he is surprised to find that he is ready to fight back: “I was drawn, propelled toward the violence.” When he hears the call to prayer at 4 the next morning, he reveals the impression it made on him in an aside next to a dialogue bubble: “The saddest voice in the world.”

Sattouf quickly notices that photographs and statues of Assad are just as ubiquitous in Syria as those of Gadhafi had been in Libya, but with one difference. “He wasn’t as handsome or sporty,” Sattouf recalls. “He had a large forehead, and there was something shifty-looking about him.” Yet everyone seemed to mimic his mustachioed face: “With his mustache, even the bus driver looked like Assad,” he writes. “In fact, every man on the bus had a mustache, except for my father.” And when his father puts a bucket over Sattouf’s head during a rainstorm, it is not to protect him from the rain, but from the sight of two corpses hanging from a scaffold as a warning to the populace about breaking the law.

Hatred of Israel is a fact of life for young Sattouf in Syria. Plastic toy soldiers come in two varieties, the Syrians “all frozen in brave, heroic postures” and the Israelis “shaped in deceitful, treacherous poses.” One of the Chinese-made figures is of a dead soldier impaled with an Israeli flag. As the new boy in the neighborhood, he was told: “All right, so you get the Jews.” At the end of the game, an Israeli toy soldier is beheaded with a kitchen knife. “Victory is ours,” his playmate declares. “God is great!” When the boy’s mother scolds him for vandalizing his toys, he protests: “I was cutting off a Jew’s head! I’m allowed to do that!”

The central figure in young Sattouf’s life — and in his book — is his father, a self-proclaimed atheist who is fearful of ghosts and genies and reads to his son from the Quran. He dreams of gold, and he fancies that he will find it among the Roman ruins in Syria. After Sattouf’s father discovers that his own brother has sold off the land in Syria that was his legacy, he persists in vowing to build a “luxury palace” of his own. When he insists that Alawites sell their children as slaves to the Sunnis, he looks at his young son and asks: “Can you just imagine? What if I sold you in exchange for a Mercedes?” Back in France, he discourses on why the Arab world needs the discipline of dictators. “One day, I’ll stage a coup d’etat,” he cracks, “and I’ll have everyone killed. Hee hee.”

As the book ends, Sattouf finds himself on the verge of the family’s return to Syria. By then, we are so fully engaged with this charming young boy that our hearts sink along with his. Two more volumes in the series will reveal what happens next, and it’s a measure of Sattouf’s gifts as a storyteller that I found myself longing to find out.